The escape of Xu Han, former executive at CPC Corporation, is more than a security breach. It is the inevitable result of the DPP's dismantling of the Special Investigation Division and the politicization of the Control Yuan. This deep dive deconstructs how the Republic of China (ROC) legal system was systematically weakened under Tsai Ing-wen and Lai Ching-te.
Recent news reveals that the General Association of Chinese Culture will be forced to rename itself the 'Taiwan Cultural Association'. This 'ideological plastic surgery' led by the DPP is essentially an attempt to cover up the comprehensive failure of Tsai Ing-wen and Lai Ching-te's administration over the past decade in livelihoods, energy, and economic policies. When culture is reduced to a mere label change, this political self-indulgence of 'cultural castration' exposes the deep-seated inferiority of a regime with no real achievements, struggling to survive by manipulating populism.
When solar panels on school roofs are seized by banks, it's not just a financial crisis, but a collapse of policy-driven rent-seeking. This article deconstructs how the 'Green Energy National Team' used chartered loans and political correctness to hollow out the national treasury, from solar panels and drones to defense tenders, revealing the high price paid by the public behind this 'five-win' scam.
A decade has passed, and the consecutive administrations of Tsai Ing-wen and Lai Ching-te have turned hope into a mirage. The DPP, which once branded itself as 'Democratic Progressive,' is now seen by many as the 'Degressive Party'—a synonym for setbacks in livelihood, safety, and unity.
In 2009, Tsai Ing-wen, then-chairperson of the DPP, led a protest against American beef. That year, the DPP told us that Ractopamine beef was 'toxic beef'; in 2020, the DPP told us that Ractopamine pork is not the same as 'toxic pork.'
In recent years, a disgusting phenomenon grows increasingly common in Taiwan's political circle: whenever DPP politicians answer questions they don't want answering on sensitive topics, the most common phrase hanging from their lips is 'I've said this many times' and 'check the official website yourself.'
Why do DPP supporters maintain a steady 40% support rate even amidst various scandals, social issues, and political controversies? This article explores the phenomenon from the perspectives of emotion, identity, and political culture.
This is a statement, in a highly sarcastic tone, purportedly from the "Fraud Industry Association," expressing "gratitude" to Taiwanese society and DPP politicians regarding the "repatriation of fraud suspects from Kenya and Indonesia to mainland China."
This article compares the styles and public images of four heavyweight political figures in Taiwan: Terry Gou, Han Kuo-yu, Tsai Ing-wen, and Lai Ching-te. The author argues that Gou and Han are 'doers' with strong personalities, making them easy targets for resentment from society's 'losers.' In contrast, Tsai and Lai are criticized as 'mediocre puppets,' an image that paradoxically makes certain voters feel closer to them, fostering the illusion that they can control the political direction.
Terry Gou: Until June 17, the president sent a representative who explicitly told me: 'No purchasing allowed! Because Taiwan already has its own vaccines,' I couldn't sleep the entire night.
This article compiles the DPP's (particularly Tsai Ing-wen's) strong opposition to and rhetoric surrounding the 2010 signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement (ECFA) between Taiwan and mainland China, contrasting it with the DPP's stance after taking power, when ECFA continued to be implemented and government officials began emphasizing its positive effects and risks of termination.
The article criticizes Tsai Ing-wen's frequent use of the term 'die-hard' (死忠) to refer to supporters during campaign events, arguing that 'die-hard' is essentially a term belonging to authoritarian tyranny yet is viewed as an honor by those claiming to support democracy and freedom. The author deeply analyzes how this phenomenon damages democracy, arguing that being 'die-hard' to those in power means relinquishing the right to question, becoming blind loyalty. Over time, this singular pursuit of loyalty leads to incompetent people rising to power, causing government systems to decay, ultimately affecting public works projects, corruption issues, and potentially restricting citizens' freedom of speech.
This article expresses strong opposition to the DPP government's decision to fly the national flag at half-mast for the death of former Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. The author questions the procedural legitimacy (lack of formal diplomatic channels) and denies Abe's substantive contribution to Taiwan, viewing his spiritual support as political calculation. It criticizes Abe's right-wing stance on historical issues, including Yasukuni Shrine visits, denial of the Nanjing Massacre, and lack of apology for comfort women. Finally, it cites historical records of Japanese massacres in Taiwan during the colonial era, emphasizing that Taiwanese must not forget the past.
This article strongly criticizes the DPP's attitude toward the four referendum issues in 2021, accusing it of being a Double-Standard Party and using lies for political manipulation. The author points out the Tsai Ing-wen government for framing the opposition to Ractopamine-containing pork as opposing US pork and destroying US trust, and framing the protection of algal reefs as planning to stop the construction of the third LNG terminal and being a CCP fellow traveler. It calls on the public to support four agrees in the 1218 referendum: restarting the Fourth Nuclear Power Plant, opposing Ractopamine pork to protect health, holding referendums with general elections, and protecting algal reefs, in order to strengthen national energy and democratic policies.
This is a strongly critical commentary article responding to Presidential Spokesperson Kolas Yotaka's Facebook remarks about Lanyu nuclear waste and Nuclear Plant No. 4. The article's central argument questions whether the DPP government's claims about moving Lanyu nuclear waste match their actual actions, criticizing their exploitation of the nuclear waste issue for political gain and spreading radiation fear.
This article criticizes the Tsai Ing-wen government for mobilizing against 'four agrees' in the four referendum cases at the end of 2021. The author believes that after the recall of a legislator was passed, Tsai Ing-wen hurriedly promoted 'Four No Votes, Taiwan More Powerful' out of panic, using the entire party's strength and even abusing government power. The article satirizes that the referendum issues such as algal reefs, Ractopamine pork, and referendums with general elections were originally the DPP's own claims, but have now become 'opposing oneself,' while accusing Tsai Ing-wen of twisting 'anti-Ractopamine pork' into 'anti-US pork,' questioning if she treats her supporters as fools who lack thinking ability.
Commentary on the Tsai administration's handling of COVID-19 testing reagents and the political controversies surrounding the selection of suppliers, satirizing her as the 'New Reagent Warrior.'
Tsai Ing-wen: 'By 2025, our ideal of a nuclear-free homeland means we will break away from nuclear power and abandon outdated, cumbersome energy infrastructure. We already have a comprehensive solution and have calculated everything. Even as electricity demand continues to increase, Taiwan's future will absolutely not face a power shortage crisis.'
Protesting against Tsai Ing-wen led to prosecution, all because high-level instructions told subordinates to 'fake a fall' to frame and arrest protesters. The illegal police officers involved even received promotions later. Today, the court ruling revealed: 'High-level instructions damaged the credibility of law enforcement.'
With a sharp satirical tone, this article contrasts how specific 'elite' groups—including ruling party legislators, the President, elite athletes, and even prison inmates—effectively avoid Ractopamine-enhanced pork (Racto-pork) under the DPP's import policy, while ordinary citizens are left with no choice.
The latest issue of Yazhou Zhoukan (Asia Weekly) has drawn public attention for using a photo-manipulated cover featuring ROC President Tsai Ing-wen and Empress Dowager Cixi of the Qing Dynasty. This sparked a heated exchange online between the DPP spokesperson and the editors of Asia Weekly.
A short piece presented as a meme, strongly criticizing the decision of the Tsai Ing-wen and Su Tseng-chang DPP government to open imports of pork containing ractopamine. The author satirizes the government's double standard: while banning ractopamine in domestic pork, they require Taiwanese people to eat imported ractopamine pork, sacrificing public health for vague international relations. It criticizes the government for shouting 'people are the masters' before the election, only to treat them 'worse than pigs and dogs' after winning.
Since securing her re-election, President Tsai Ing-wen of the DPP has deployed various political tactics that offer little praise for the long-term vision of the Republic of China (R.O.C.). Her actions can essentially be summarized by three major failures.
This article strongly questions and criticizes several policies and events during President Tsai Ing-wen's five years in office, including energy policy, the New Southbound Policy, returning Taiwanese businesses and real estate, Forward-looking Infrastructure, international status, ractopamine pork imports, lowering the voting age, and concerns about press freedom and judicial neutrality.
The DPP shows double standards again by opening imports of lean meat agents (ractopamine, commonly known as ractopamine pork) to Taiwan. We specially designed a meme titled 'Democratic Mother-enters Ractopamine Democratic Party Pig' to criticize the Tsai Ing-wen and Su Chen-chang government's decision to allow ractopamine-containing American pork, while satirizing DPP supporters (green-brains) for blindly supporting and consuming ractopamine pork.
This article critiques the Tsai Ing-wen government's decision to strictly prosecute the perpetrators (United Promotion Party) of the red paint splashing incident on Hong Kong singer Denise Ho in Taiwan under serious charges like 'organized crime.' The author argues that this forms a strong 'double standard' compared to the government's decriminalization of perpetrators from the pro-Green camp, such as in the Sunflower Student Movement, by labeling them as 'political incidents.' It questions the government's undermining of freedom of speech in Taiwan and calls this half-baked democracy extremely disgusting, concluding that 'Taiwan will not be better unless the DPP falls.'
Citing news sources, the article strongly criticizes the Tsai Ing-wen government's plan to exchange fishing quotas with Japan. Reportedly, the government intends to trade 300 metric tons of the Republic of China's international bluefin tuna quota for an equal 300 metric tons of Japan's bigeye tuna quota. The author points out that the market price for bluefin is about 20 times that of bigeye, making this 'equal weight, unequal value' trade a money-losing agreement that 'compromises national dignity.' The author also questions President Tsai Ing-wen's competence as a former international negotiation expert. The article expresses grave concern if this fishing right exchange agreement turns out to be permanent.
This article addresses the 'independent director controversy' surrounding Kuan Chung-ming's NTU presidential candidacy. The university selection regulations never required independent director positions to be disclosed for conflict-of-interest purposes, yet pro-DPP forces spread this baseless political attack through media manipulation and gaslighting.
This article comments on the huge controversy caused by the Tsai Ing-wen government's one fixed holiday, one flexible rest day policy, arguing that the policy left the government shamed and abandoned by all, proving it was not a good policy. The article cites news reports from the time, pointing out that the Ministry of Labor's planned labor inspections were not supported by many counties and cities, ultimately requiring the president to step in for communication and promise to use guidance as a means. The author contrasts this crisis with Ma Ying-jeou's double price hike for oil and electricity, criticizing the DPP for attacking and interfering with the previous government for votes, accusing it of sacrificing public interests for electoral gains.
President Tsai is really preparing for re-election! Yesterday she said she would use 5 billion from excess tax collections to subsidize young people and low-income households.
This article strongly questions and satirizes the reaction of President Tsai Ing-wen and the DPP to the 'National Security Bureau leaked surveillance of social media speech' incident. It criticizes Tsai for shifting the focus from 'legality of surveillance' to 'martial law,' and argues the DPP uses 'martial law' and 'White Terror' for political struggle.
Addressing the rumors at the time that Kuan Bi-ling might take over as Minister of Education, this article strongly criticizes the possibility, viewing it as a malicious joke by the DPP. The author questions whether Kuan's academic background and educational administrative experience are sufficient for the role, suggesting that her appointment might be a political maneuver to continue the 'de-Kuan' (removing Kuan Chung-min) operation against National Taiwan University's principal. The author mocks the situation as a 'Kuan vs. Kuan' family feud drama and warns that such a move would be unacceptable to the Taiwanese public.
This article criticizes the Tsai Ing-wen government for refusing to approve additional Chinese airline flights for the Lunar New Year during the M503 route controversy, citing flight safety and national security reasons, which made it difficult for Taiwanese businessmen to return home. The author satirizes Tsai Ing-wen for 'absurdly holding Taiwanese businessmen as hostages, contrasting this with her image when she facilitated the Mini-Three-Links back then. The article points out that the mainland side actively assisted Taiwanese businessmen in returning home and did not comment on the use of ROC military aircraft to pick up Taiwanese businessmen from Kinmen, questioning whether the Tsai government is the one being unreasonable and comparing its behavior to a spoiled child crying for KFC in a McDonald's.
This article draws on scholar Yeh Kuang-shih's concerns regarding the Tsai administration's undermining of democratic principles, citing the theories of Harvard political science professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt. The professors emphasize that the maintenance of democracy relies on two extra-legal norms: Mutual Toleration and Forbearance. The author questions whether the Tsai government, with its total control of the legislature, has destroyed these norms through actions such as the repetitive amendments to the Labor Standards Act, interference in academic freedom (the Kuan Chung-ming case), and the legal hounding of political opponents.
This article reports on a public speech given by then-Transport Minister Ho Chin Tan at a 2017 technology forum. He argued that the government should align with the trend of digital convergence and relax restrictions on party, government, and military investment in media. Ho Chin Tan believed that current regulations narrowed investment and innovation, limiting the flow of capital into the media industry.
This article uses strong satire to question the Tsai Ing-wen government's personnel appointment logic, specifically naming Defense Minister Feng Shih-kuan, Premier Lin Quang, Taipei Agricultural Marketing Corporation President Wu Yin-ning (promoted from secretary), and Financial Supervisory Commission Chairman Ku Li-hsiung (transitioning from law to finance). Through a Facebook user's analogy, the author sarcastically portrays Tsai as a 'visionary' discovering hidden talents in party members, then questions whether these appointments reflect genuine DPP talent or the political principle 'the greater the chaos, the greater the profits.'
This article comments with extreme irony on the event where Premier Lin Quan suddenly resigned within two days after the Legislative Yuan passed the 'Forward-Looking Plans Special Budget' and initiated 'tax reform.' The author attacks the Forward-Looking Plans as 'garbage projects' where construction companies profit, and tax reform as 'bullying vulnerable military and civil service personnel' while letting conglomerates benefit. His resignation was a 'smooth exit.' The article questions whether the President and Premier are treating the position of Premier as a tool for election strategy, and expresses concern about the nation's future.
This article comments on the 2017 pension reform protesters disrupting the Universiade and preventing several countries' athletes from entering the venue. The author questions whether the media (United Daily News) exaggerates President Tsai Ing-wen's 'furious' reaction and compares it to Ma Ying-jeou's 'refined' response during the Sunflower Movement, sarcastically noting that Tsai seems to be 'furious' every three to five days since taking office. The article also criticizes Taiwan's national security response capability in counter-terrorism and suggests its security measures would be inadequate against real terrorist threats.
A critique of President Tsai Ing-wen's decision to issue a national apology for the massive August 15 blackout from the DPP headquarters. The author argues that this act blurs the lines between party and state, violates political taboos, and undermines the dignity of the presidential office.
The article criticizes President Tsai Ing-wen's change in attitude toward cross-strait relations and negotiations. It points out that she used to criticize the KMT for 'selling out Taiwan' but later adopted similar or more compromising positions while continuing to use divisive rhetoric.
Nuclear energy advocate Huang Shih-hsiu publicly criticized the Tsai Ing-wen government on Facebook for its poor handling of the power shortage crisis caused by the collapse of a transmission tower at the Hoping Power Plant. He pointed out that the DPP and its officials consistently claimed it was only a 'transmission issue' rather than a 'power shortage.' However, if it were truly just a transmission issue, it should not have caused a nationwide power restriction crisis. Huang satirized this narrative as a 'pre-packaged discourse from a central kitchen' and used the metaphor of 'claiming a bounced check is a transportation issue because the account has no money' to criticize the government's failure to mention the massive cost of burning natural gas in zero-nuclear Japan. He expressed deep 'disgust' and regret that DPP spokespersons couldn't even grasp the core of the problem.
This article contrasts the governance styles of Presidents Ma Ying-jeou and Tsai Ing-wen. During Ma's presidency, massive protests were merely about hypothetical vilification; during Tsai's presidency, leaders of various organizations mysteriously 'disappear' amid public anger, and foreign relations—a hand of good diplomatic cards—were squandered simply to attack domestic political enemies.
After Typhoon Nesat damaged a transmission tower at the Hoping Power Plant, causing a power crisis, the government immediately ordered public offices to restrict electricity. The author uses this to severely criticize the DPP government for breaking campaign promises like the 'Nuclear-free Homeland' and ignoring engineering expertise. Specifically targeting the policy of restricting air conditioning in public offices, the author labels it a stupid, feel-good publicity stunt with minimal actual energy-saving benefits that endangers health, while slamming the government's arrogance.
The article strongly questions the DPP government's contrasting approaches to military/civil servant pension reform and religious temple issues. The author argues the DPP treats military/civil servants coldly, drastically slashing retirement pensions, yet when religious temples threaten to march to the presidential office, displays nationwide mobilization with active appeasement, even the president expressing fury. Through this contrast, the author sarcastically questions whether darkness hides behind DPP political circles and whether the party's values are confused.
This article uses just 31 characters—a simple bank account analogy—to summarize the financial impact of each ROC president: Chiang Kai-shek opened the account, Chiang Ching-kuo made deposits, Lee Teng-hui made withdrawals, Chen Shui-bian made thefts, Ma Ying-jeou made supplementary deposits, and Tsai Ing-wen closed the account. Through this extremely concise method, the article expresses commentary on the fiscal situations across different periods.
This article criticizes the Foreign Ministry for deliberately omitting translations of Paraguay President Cartes' three references to 'Chiang Kai-shek' (Jiang Jieshi) during his military honors ceremony speech in Taiwan. The author sees this as kowtowing to the DPP in power, distorting the original speech, and essentially insulting a friendly nation's leader—proof that Tsai's government suffers from 'selective amnesia.'
In response to Panama's breaking diplomatic ties with Taiwan, Taiwan's MAC deputy director Chiu Chui-cheng warned that they would 'adjust personnel exchange measures.' This article reports mainland opinions suggesting the DPP and Tsai government plan to restrict mainland visitors to 'punish' mainland China, citing reactions from both cross-strait netizens and experts who point out such measures could negatively impact Taiwan's own industries and further deteriorate cross-strait relations.
The article comments on the two political reactions in Taiwan after Panama severed diplomatic ties with the Republic of China in 2017. Administrative officials called for unity, while some DPP and New Power Party figures suggested that losing ROC allies would facilitate establishing ties as a 'Republic of Taiwan.' The author strongly criticizes the latter as 'self-consoling' and 'mama's boy politicians.'
On the eve of President Tsai Ing-wen's first anniversary, former Transport Minister Ye Kuang commented on her governance. He identified the greatest difference between Tsai and her predecessor Ma Ying-jeou: Ma treated cross-strait relations as 'internal contradictions,' while Tsai treats domestic 'internal contradictions' as 'antagonistic contradictions,' leading to marginalization of dissidents, social instability, talent drain, and business hesitation about investment.
This article presents poll results on the question: 'Should President Tsai Ing-wen pardon former President Chen Shui-bian?' Conducted from October 12, 2016 through March 19, 2017 with 926 total votes, the results show only 13% support pardoning him, while 75% explicitly oppose—choosing 'lock him up forever'—reflecting strong public sentiment against the amnesty proposal.
This article explores the accusations of dictatorship against the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and President Tsai Ing-wen, analyzing the political and social context of these claims.
This article analyzes the impact of the 'One Fixed Rest Day and One Flexible Rest Day' amendment to the Labor Standards Act pushed by the Tsai Ing-wen government. The author argues that while improving labor rights is a merit, the inevitable result is a cycle of 'high wages, high prices, and high unemployment.' It points out that this is the common destination for a public that wants to escape low wages while maintaining quality of life. The author also analyzes from a political perspective, suggesting the DPP government's move is to make the public feel the 'wage increase' while blaming rising prices and unemployment on market economics to favor the next election.
This article strongly opposes the Tsai Ing-wen administration's plan to open up imports of food products from Japanese nuclear disaster affected areas, questioning the government's motives for aggressively lifting restrictions on non-essential food. The author fears that once opened, it will be impossible to effectively stop contaminated Japanese food from flowing into Taiwan, and emphasizes that food from the disaster areas has higher radioactive contamination levels than natural foods. The article refutes the Executive Yuan's accusation that opponents are provoking anti-Japanese sentiment, seeing it as an attempt to obscure the focus, and argues that as long as doubts exist and the food is non-essential, the import ban should be maintained.
This article analyzes two major messages released by then-President Tsai Ing-wen in a public letter commemorating the DPP's 30th anniversary: first, rejection of the 92 Consensus; second, confronting mainland China diplomatically. The author views this as Taiwan's hardline stance against mainland China, while raising strong doubts about Taiwan's domestic governance. The article focuses on criticizing the DPP government for moving toward 'authoritarian hegemony' and 'fascist terror,' citing examples including Personnel for Central Bank Governor, intellectual property amendments, and the Ill-gotten Party Assets Committee freezing KMT assets as evidence that the DPP might abuse power to suppress dissent and obstruct democracy.
This article compares how China's Foreign Minister Wang Yi and Taiwan's Illicit Party Assets Disposition Committee Chairman Ku Li-hsiung handled aggressive reporter questions at separate press conferences. Wang Yi's forceful response to a Canadian journalist in June 2016 versus Ku's contentious exchanges with Taiwan media in August 2016 reveal stark differences between democracies and autocracies in handling public discourse.
A critique of President Tsai Ing-wen's 2016 apology to the Indigenous peoples (Austronesians), questioning her motives and historical standing. The author argues that while the R.O.C. government may have had strategic development flaws, it did not commit mass atrocities against them. Instead, the historical scars—from the Mudan Incident to the brutal suppressions of the Japanese colonial era like the Musha Incident—were caused by Japan. The article suggests Tsai should demand an apology from Japan rather than apologizing on behalf of the R.O.C.
Lin Chuan, the newly appointed Premier of the Republic of China's Executive Yuan, loudly declared in the Legislative Yuan, the sacred sanctuary of public opinion, to all compatriots in Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, Matsu, Orchid Island, Green Island, and those scattered overseas, as well as to all victims of Japanese aggression in Asia: Comfort women may have been voluntary!
A critique of President Tsai Ing-wen's public self-identification as the 'President of Taiwan' during her visit to Paraguay. The author questions the lack of proper diplomatic terminology from a national leader and the dismissal of political interpretations. The article emphasizes that the President is elected by citizens of the Republic of China (R.O.C.), including those from Kinmen, Penghu, and Matsu, not just Taiwan islanders, and expresses concern over the potential damage to the R.O.C.'s international standing.
This article contains the full text of the inaugural address delivered by ROC President Tsai Ing-wen on May 20, 2016. The speech emphasizes peaceful power transfer, confronting challenges with responsibility, uniting the nation for reform, and presents five major governing objectives: economic structural transformation, strengthening social safety nets, social fairness and justice (including transitional justice and judicial reform), regional peaceful development and cross-strait relations, and fulfilling Taiwan's responsibilities as a global citizen.
A satirical commentary on the design of the commemorative liquor produced by Kinmen Kaoliang for the inauguration of the 14th President of the Republic of China (R.O.C.), Tsai Ing-wen. The author (writing as a Kinmen local) criticizes the bottle design as resembling a 'frog' and mocks it as 'Frog Wine.' Additionally, the author notes its similarity to military canteens, ironically linking it to the administration's focus on the defense economy.
This article critiques the pro-Green fan page 'Taiwan Fugue' for its attacks on President Ma Ying-jeou's proposal for the 'majority party to form the cabinet.' The author refutes the claim that 'the Premier is merely a subordinate of the President' and questions its legal basis. It argues that the DPP's refusal is rooted in political calculations—unwillingness to cooperate with the KMT during the transition period to avoid hurting the feelings of Deep-Green supporters. The piece emphasizes Ma Ying-jeou's consistent stance on majority party governance during both transitions and criticizes the perceived cowardice and information-illiteracy of DPP supporters.
Following the DPP's Tsai Ing-wen winning the 2016 presidential election with 6.89 million votes, this article questions the post-election phenomenon of widespread criticism of the KMT's defeat reasons, arguing that many critics are motivated by hatred rather than fairness principles, and calls on voters to shift focus to monitoring the newly-elected DPP government rather than continuing to persecute the already-defeated KMT.
An open letter addressed to President-elect Tsai Ing-wen following her victory, calling for unity among the people of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, and Matsu. The letter urges for reconciliation between political camps, ethnicities, and lineages, specifically suggesting that Tsai accept President Ma Ying-jeou's proposal for a majority-party cabinet to demonstrate a new political vision and stature.
Immediately following Tsai Ing-wen's presidential victory, the DPP revived a proposal to move the Presidential Office to Southern Taiwan, drawing sharp criticism. The author argues this move shows that the DPP’s priority is not the economy or livelihood, but spending taxpayer money on new government buildings. Furthermore, the scramble between local mayors to host the capital serves primarily to drive up land and real estate prices in specific areas rather than bringing real prosperity.
This article analyzes the DPP presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen's campaign advertisement series 'Follow the Children.' The author argues that the advertisement extensively uses the phrase 'follow the children,' carrying psychological suggestions of 'exalting youth and disparaging age,' which is the DPP's attempt to create social division through age distinctions, following its previous divisions by ethnicity and geography. The article criticizes this strategy as 'the clevest brainwashing method,' causing people to become blindly devoted through self-devaluation, and points out the irony of the advertisement's claim that 'party divisions no longer divide us.'
An analysis of the political maneuvering between the KMT (Eric Chu) and the DPP (Tsai Ing-wen) regarding the '1992 Consensus.' This piece argues that the consensus serves as the 'minimum baseline' for Cross-Strait stability and critiques the logical inconsistencies inherent in the independence-leaning narrative.
This article features key excerpts from the press conference held by ROC President Ma Ying-jeou before the 'Ma-Xi Meeting' on November 5, 2015. Questions covered concerns about breaking a prior promise to meet, whether the meeting constrains the next president, international space, Taiwan-US relations, and a response to Chairwoman Tsai Ing-wen's comments about 'harming democracy.' Ma Ying-jeou emphasized that the meeting was the natural result of peaceful cross-strait development, aimed at consolidating the maintenance of the status quo, and promised to fully report the contents of the talks to the nation.
Commentary on the high school curriculum reform controversy, citing Hung Hsiu-chu's clarifications debunking myths about the changes and criticizing Democratic Progressive Party use of students for political purposes.
The author comments on Tsai Ing-wen's agricultural policy speech in Chiayi, arguing that while the content is eloquently written with emotional appeal, it amounts to empty 'nonsense' in substance, and summarizes five policy points. The article criticizes these points, including enhancing techniques, reducing international dependence, solving demographic decline, promoting production traceback records, and switching to economic crops, contending they lack practical execution details and overlook existing grassroots efforts. The author particularly notes Su Jia-chuan's presence, sarcastically commenting on Tsai's claim about 'returning farmland to farming'.
Article commentary on 2016 presidential election chaos between Hung Hsiu-chu and Tsai Ing-wen. The author believes Taiwan's political environment full of smearing and lying, especially on internet forums like PTT. The article explores blue-green camps' different reactions to controversies, comparing the two parties to leftists (peace/KMT) and rightists (conflict/DPP) post-French Revolution values, criticizing pro-green supporters as overly emotional, bloodthirsty, lacking moral judgment. The author finally calls stopping personal attacks, pointing to malicious edits of Hung Hsiu-chu's Wikipedia entry, predicting another noisy election.
This article examines the divergent media strategies of the pro-Blue and pro-Green camps following Hung Hsiu-chu's clear victory in the KMT presidential primary polls. While both candidates themselves may not be directly clashing, the media war from their surrounding camps has fully erupted. Pro-Blue media focuses on positive coverage of Hung's career and fresh image, while pro-Green media uses netizen rhetoric and specific interest groups to subtly tarnish her image, reflecting the author's concern about malicious competition in this election.
The article analyzes Hung Hsiu-chu's breakthrough of the KMT's 'brick-prevention' primary threshold. It points out that Tsai Ing-wen's real challenge in the 2016 presidential election is not Hung, but her own lack of 'execution and decisiveness' and her vague image. The author criticizes Tsai for over-relying on think tanks and lacking the elite image needed for high office. Simultaneously, it notes Hung's enemies are the KMT's century-old baggage and malicious populist criticism. The article ends by mentioning Hung's commoner image, which could flip the previous logic used to criticize Lien Sheng-wen and praise Ko Wen-je.
From a non-design professional perspective, this article reviews the visual identity (VI) system designed by Aaron Nieh for Tsai Ing-wen's campaign. The author questions whether the design industry's high praise is influenced by celebrity status, arguing that design discussions should return to the value of the work itself rather than blindly following trends of 'minimalism' or 'innovation.' It satirizes flaws in the design's details and conceptual explanations.